Odesk

Report

I would like you to give me information about the elections in Iran. Please provide me with a list of the reformist’s candidates and all the information you can find about them (especially I'm interested with their slogans and ways to contact them (Phone, Mail and anything else). list of the reformists candidates the elections in iran

Mohammad Khatami

The reformers’ first and foremost goal was, and continues to be, the preservation of the theocracy in Iran, while insisting on the necessity of implementing certain democratic reforms. Iranian reformists consist of former officials in the Khatami administration, religious nationalists, as well as former revolutionary guards. While in Iran the ranks of reformists have been engaged in disputes over the merits of participating in the country’s next year’s parliamentary elections, those reformists who fled to the West for safety as a result of post-election repression, have developed competing discourses as to what reform should constitute and what the future of Islamic Republic should look like. Reformists’ ambiguous stance on key critical issues has led to their declining stance in the Iranian public, while this ambiguity has amplified the sense of distrust toward them by the current leadership.

Since the 2009 elections, significant developments have taken place both in Iran’s internal affairs and geopolitically within Iran’s sphere of influence. Internally, Ahmadinejad and his administration are facing serious prospects of falling from grace as their efforts to challenge the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and exert a more independent executive branch of government have met with arrests of aides and confrontation with the clerical establishment. Geopolitically, Iran is facing what is certain to be a changing Middle East as the Arab Spring, with all its ups and downs, threatens to jolt Tehran’s geopolitical standing in the region.

Now with parliamentary elections looming large in Iran’s faction-based politics and continued turmoil in the region, Iran’s reformists, irrespective of their ability to articulate a clear agenda, will find themselves organizationally handicapped to launch an effective political campaign apparatus capable of reaching millions of Iranians. And with past record of President Khatami—reformists’ star contender—in executing on his reforms, the reformists will most likely fail to generate excitement among the Iranian electorate and rally them for a strong turnout.

For Iran’s reformists, chances of becoming a political force to be reckoned with are diminishing as they face a crisis of trust on several key fronts.

For one thing, the clerical establishment has consistently viewed reformists, including during Khatami presidency, as a force bent on easing the clergy’s grip on levers of power through democratic reforms. The clerical establishment was also deeply suspicious that the reformist camp had a plan to move gradually toward forming a secular legislative branch. Come 2009 elections and the clergy’s suspicions of reformists turned into utter distrust as reformists were directly associated with the Green Movement. They were dubbed by both the clergy and the IRGC leadership as “seditionists.” Hence the widespread crackdown on reformist political figures and journalists intended largely to damage their political aspirations.

On the other front, Iran’s post-election ruling elite—crystallized in the IRGC leadership—view reformists as a spent force whose only potential remains in disrupting the social order, and one with ambitions to strip the IRGC of its control over the economy and the political process.

Moreover, ideologically, the democratic aspirations of reformists (albeit within the limits of the Islamic Republic) run counter to the current nationalist agenda of the IRGC. For the latter, socio-economic stability is of vital importance and a newly-found Persian nationalism is a tool to win back the hearts and minds of Iran’s youth. For the IRGC leadership it is also crucial to leave behind the Ahmadinejad presidency free of social unrest as it consolidates power and prepares the public opinion for the 2013 presidential elections. Therefore, the detention of the Green Movement’s leadership and intimidation of reformist journalists will almost certainly continue.

In light of the above developments, it is time to look at reform in Iran as part of a bygone era. The rising expectations of Iran’s largely young, well-educated, and connected population, coupled with their deep frustration with the theocracy, far outweighs reformists’ undefined and ambiguous position on what constitutes social and political freedoms.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 

He bore 28 October 1956/5/6. He is the sixth and current President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the main political leader of the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran, a coalition of conservative political groups in the country. An engineer and teacher from a poor background,[7] Ahmadinejad joined the Office for Strengthening Unity[8] after the Islamic Revolution. Appointed a provincial governor, he was removed after the election of President Mohammad Khatami and returned to teaching.[9] Tehran's council elected him mayor in 2003.[10] He took a religious hard line, reversing reforms of previous moderate mayors.[11] His 2005 presidential campaign, supported by the Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran, garnered 62% of the runoff election votes, and he became President on 3 August 2005.[12][13]

Ahmadinejad is a controversial figure both within Iran and internationally.[citation needed] He has been criticized domestically for his economic lapses[14] and disregard for human rights.[15] Internationally he is criticized for his hostility towards some countries, most notably Israel, United Kingdom, and the United States of America. In 2007, Ahmadinejad introduced a gas rationing plan to reduce the country's fuel consumption, and cut the interest rates that private and public banking facilities could charge.[16][17][18] He supports Iran's nuclear program. His election to a second term in 2009 was widely disputed [19][20] and caused widespread protests domestically and drew significant international criticism.[21]

During his second term (ending 3 August 2013), Ahmadinejad came under fire not from reformers but from traditionalists[22] in parliament and the Revolution Guard, and even from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei,[23] over alleged corruption, Ahmadinejad's dismissal of Intelligence minister Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje'i, and his support for his controversial close adviser Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei.[24] On 14 March 2012, Ahmadinejad became the first president of the Islamic Republic of Iran to be summoned by the Islamic Consultative Assembly (parliament) to answer questions regarding his presidency.[25][26] Limited to two terms under the current Iranian constitution, Ahmadinejad supports Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei's campaign for president.[22]TEHRAN Five years ago, Iran's political reformists controlled the presidency and had just won an overwhelming majority in Parliament by promoting an agenda that promised to curtail the role of clerics in the government and to spread democracy, human rights and the rule of law across the nation.

But they have been run out because the conservative establishment succeeded in cutting them off at nearly every turn - but also because they failed to keep in touch with the people they had promised to help.

"What we had not calculated was that we had lost the masses," said Mostafa Tajzadeh, a former deputy interior minister active in the reform movement. "That was a shock."

Presidential election day 2005 turned Iran's political world upside down, when voters handed the role of reformer to a religious conservative who supports the clerical-control system.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, 49, the appointed mayor of Tehran, ran as an outsider with a platform that called for cleaning up corruption and providing economic relief to the poor. Even some of the top leaders in the reform movement acknowledge that a man who once served in the Revolutionary Guard and the militant Basiji militias won the protest vote.
"People showed that they want reform and they don't like the ruling system," said the departing president's brother, Mohammad Reza Khatami, the leader of the Islamic Participation Front, Iran's largest reform party. "People are not happy with their way of life."

As Ahmadinejad prepares to build a government in collaboration with his conservative allies, the withered remnants of Iran's reform parties are struggling to plot a strategy for a return to political relevance. For days after the ballots were tallied, reform leaders offered few public comments or postmortems on where they had gone wrong - or where they planned to go.
Now, some of the movement's leaders have begun to acknowledge that they lost, in part, because they became the party of the elite. They acknowledge that they focused so exclusively on changing the system, and more esoteric concepts of democracy, that they forgot about people's practical concerns, like feeding their families.
"We were the party of the intellectuals," Khatami said in an interview last week. "So we must change this to develop ideas for the poor and workers. We will still talk about democracy and human rights, but we should explain to people how it will make their lives better."
There is hardly a consensus on how to achieve that, though. And now that conservatives have a monopoly on power, it is not clear how much room they will be willing to give the reformers to operate - or if they will instead try to shout them out of the political arena.
Some reformers want to work strictly within the legal boundaries of the system, insisting that while they are critical of the leadership, they are not anti-revolutionary.
Others insist that the ruling clerics will never give an opposition party sufficient room to grow, so they want to create a satellite television channel, based abroad, to beam their political ideas into people's homes, a move that probably would be ruled illegal.
Still others are talking about putting their opposition message out through the Internet.
One point of consensus seems to be a belief - or perhaps a hope - that now that the conservatives control all the institutions that run the state, they will fail to improve life and the door will open once more to a Western-oriented style of reform.
Khatami said, in a reflection of his party's experience, that once the outsiders were in power they would be perceived as insiders and would lose public support.
"This is a temporary failure for us," said Issa Saharkiz, a journalist and adviser to the reform candidate in the presidential election, Mustafa Moin, who did not make it into the runoff.
Saharkiz said the conservative clerics, including the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, no longer had a reform-controlled government to hide behind when things went badly.

"The shields are gone and the swords are at the leaders' neck," he said.
When Mohammad Khatami was first elected president in 1997 with 70 percent of the vote, he entered office with a mandate. Three years later, appearing unstoppable, candidates aligned with Khatami swept into Parliament, taking a majority and promising to limit the role of clergy in running the country, free newspapers and institute the rule of law.
But the movement's reputation was quickly damaged when Parliament acquiesced to the will of Khamenei by abandoning plans to pass a law in 2000 to strengthen press freedoms, the first of many set-backs that undermined their support.
Khatami never used the power of his office to build the party that had grown around his insurgent status - the Islamic Participation Front - and rarely challenged a system that shut down newspapers aligned with the reformers, jailed outspoken critics of the clerical system and held a monopoly on state television.

Mohsen Aminzadeh

Facebook id : http://www.facebook.com/pages/Mohsen-Safaei-Farahani/131385468452

Mohsen Aminzadeh contact details

Mohsen Aminzadeh  born 1957 in Mashhad, Iran, is an Iranian reformist diplomat and politician. Aminzadeh was a founding member of the largest reformist party, the Islamic Iran Participation Front. He served as the Deputy Foreign Minister during the 1997-2005 administration of the Iranian president Mohammad Khatami. Like many other senior reformist politicians, Aminzadeh was arrested in June 2009 for protesting the disputed re-election of president Ahmadinejad and convicted in 2010 of conspiring to "disturb security" and "spreading propaganda" against the Islamic regime.[1]

Mohsen Aminzadeh contact details Mr Mousavi's Green Movement said the poll had been riggedto ensure the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a charge the government denied. At least 30 protesters have been killed in clashes since the election, although the opposition says more than 70 have died. More than 80 people have been jailed for up to 15 years - including former government spokesman Abdullah Ramezanzadeh, former vice-president Mohammad Ali Abtahi and former deputy economy minister Mohsen Safaie Farahani. Some 200 activists remain in detention. Last month, two alleged members of a banned monarchist group were executed. Human rights groups condemned the hangings, accusing Iran of staging show trials and of seeking to intimidate the opposition.

Mohsen Safaei Farahani

Mohsen Safaei Farahani) is an Iranian politician.

He is a member of Mosharekat Party, the main reformist party in Iran under President Khatami. He was a Majlis representative from Tehran from 1999 to 2003. He was also the President of the Iranian Foot¬ball Federation from 1998 to 2002. IFF Transitory Board

In November 2006 the federation was suspended by FIFA [1], due to government interference in football matters. In less than a month the ban was lifed and a new Transitory Board was composed of Farahani as chairman, Kiomars Hashemi as deputy chairman and Mohammad Hassan Ansarifar, Dr Hassan Ghafiri, Dr Mohammad Khabiri and Ali Reghbati as members. The Transitory Board came to an end on January 9, 2008, when Ali Kaffashian was elected as the new president of the Iran Football Federation.

Abbas Abdi

Facebook id : http://www.facebook.com/abbas.abdi.79/about

Abbas Abdi, a reformist politician.

Abbas Abdi is one of Iran's most influential reformists. He was the first person who stormed the United States embassy in Tehran at the early years of the Iranian Revolution in 1979 with other students. In the following years, he became a critique of the political establishment of Iran. He was a supporter of President Mohammad Khatami's reform plans and one of the most influential figures in the reformist camp after 1997. He ran into legal trouble after Invasion of Tehran University Dormatories (Kuye Daneshgah), in which the police attacked the dormitory of the University of Tehran because of student protests following Abdi's article in Salam newspaper. Later he spent several years in prison because of participating in a polling about re-establishing political relations with the U.S.

Abdi studied Polymer engineering at Tehran Polytechnic. He was a member of editorial board of Salam newspaper. Abdi is was a member of central council of Iran Participation Front.He was the first person to storm the United States embassy in Tehran, along with other students, during the early years of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. In the following years, he became a critic of the political establishment of Iran. He was a supporter of President Mohammad Khatami's reform plans, and one of the most influential figures in the reformist camp after 1997. He ran into legal trouble after the Iran student protests, July 1999 following the invasion of Tehran University Dormatories (Kooye Daneshgah), in which the police attacked the dormitory of the university because of student protests following Abdi's article in the newspaper Salam.

Abbas Abdi became the director of the Ayandeh public opinion firm and participated in a poll asking Iranians if they supported resuming government dialogue with the United States.[1] On 22 September 2002 the official news agency IRNA's published an Ayandeh poll indicating that 74.4% of Iranians favoured a resumption of ties with the United States. Abdi was arrested at his home on 4 November 2002, accused of "having received money from either the US polling firm Gallup or a foreign embassy".[2] Abdi spent several years in prison as a result. In the recent election he was one of the key advisers to Mehdi Karoubi.

Alireza Alavitabar

Facebook Id: http://www.facebook.com/pages/Alireza-Alavitabar/120273934685649?sk=info

Alireza Alavitabar taking part a debate over religion at IUST. Alireza Alavitabar is an Iranian political scientist and a leading reformist intellectual and writer.Alireza Alavitabar is a member of Islamic Iran Participation Front and was the editor of the now closed Sobh-e-Emrooz newspaper.He was of the main thinkers in the Iranian reform movement during Khatami's presidency.

Saeed Hajjarian

Facebook Id: http://www.facebook.com/pages/%D8%B3%D8%B9%DB%8C%D8%AF-%D8%AD%D8%AC%D8%A7%D8%B1%DB%8C%D8%A7%D9%86-saeed-hajjarian/240720462606832
Early life and education

Saeed Hajjarian studied Mechanical Engineering at the Faculty of Engineering (Fanni) in Tehran University. A young Iranian revolutionary during the 1979 Iranian Revolution, he was one of the students who took over the US embassy in Tehran in 1979.[2] After the revolution, he got involved with the formation of the intelligence apparatus of the newly founded Islamic Republic. Through the 1980s, he was working in the Ministry of Intelligence, where his positions included Vice Minister of Political Affairs. In the late 1980s, he left the ministry, and established an Institute for Strategic Studies under the presidency. That was where he played an important role in creating a new discourse based on democracy and rule of law for his generation of revolutionaries. In 1977 Hajjarian was enrolled in Mechanical Engineering undergraduate program but then he shifted to political sciences and received his doctoral qualification from Tehran University in 2003. On 16 June 2009, four days after the disputed presidential election, it was reported that Hajjarian had been arrested.[10] It has been reported that he died in Evin prison under torture on July 7,[11][12] but also that he was still alive but had suffered a nervous breakdown on July 8 and was in critical condition in a military hospital in Tehran.[13] More recently, there have been reports that he is still in Evin Prison, possibly in a clinic there,[14] and that according to his wife, physician Vajiheh Marsoussi, his medical condition was "deteriorating severely" while in prison.[15] Saeed Hajjarian has been accused of having links with the British intelligence service on 25 August 2009.

Saeed Hajjarian, Prominent Iranian Reform Figure, Admits Fomenting Unrest At Mass Trial

TEHRAN, Iran  Saeed Hajjarian was a die-hard hero of Iran's reform movement, campaigning to reduce the power of the Islamic clerics even after being shot in the head in an assassination attempt that left him partially paralyzed. On Tuesday, he was brought into a courtroom propped up by men who put him in the front row of defendants in Iran's biggest political trial in decades, where he proceeded to renounce his entire career as a reformist. His speech slurred and nearly unintelligible from the 2000 attack, Hajjarian had a statement read proclaiming that Iran's supreme leader represents the rule of God on Earth and asking for forgiveness for his "incorrect" ideas. The stunning confession was among the most dramatic in the trial of more than 100 reform leaders and protesters arrested in Iran's post-election crackdown – testimony the opposition says was coerced by threats and mistreatment during weeks of solitary confinement.
A procession of the biggest names in the reform movement has taken the stand during the past month, some looking thin and tired, all dressed in blue pajama-like prison uniforms and slippers. They have confessed to taking part in what the government says was a plot backed by foreign enemies to overthrow Iran's clerical leadership in a "velvet revolution." The opposition has compared the proceedings to Josef Stalin's "show trials" against his opponents in the Soviet Union, saying the government is trying to wipe out the reform movement. Hajjarian's turn in court perhaps more resembled a scene from China's Cultural Revolution, as he repented of the pro-reform ideology he has espoused for years. In a statement read by a fellow defendant, he confessed to trying to spread "Marxist thought" that "has no relation to Iran." He said he had led astray his political party, the Islamic Iran Participation Front, with his ideas and announced his resignation from the party. He threw his support behind Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, whose rule "springs from the rule of the Prophet Muhammad."
"I've committed grave mistakes by offering incorrect analysis during the election," Hajjarian said. "I apologize to the dear Iranian nation because of my incorrect analyses that was the basis for many wrong actions."The Islamic Iran Participation Front dismissed the confessions by Hajjarian and other party leaders as forced, saying: "What is uttered from their tongue today is not by their will." The 55-year-old Hajjarian was arrested soon after mass protests erupted over the disputed June 12 presidential election, when hundreds of thousands took to the streets claiming that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's victory was fraudulent. Held for weeks in a secret location with no contact with lawyers or family, the opposition repeatedly expressed concern over his health in custody. A top architect of the reform movement, Hajjarian was a senior aide to former reformist President Mohammad Khatami, helping to design a program of social and political liberalization during Khatami's 1997-2005 administration – policies that were ultimately stymied by hard-line clerics who dominate Iran's Islamic republic system. Hajjarian was among the radical students who seized the U.S. Embassy during the height of the 1979 Islamic revolution and held American diplomats hostage for 444 days. He later helped build the Islamic republic's Intelligence Ministry, rising to high rank in the ministry. But in the 1990s, Hajjarian became disillusioned with the clerical leadership and began to speak out for freedom of expression and political reform. He called for limiting Khamenei's powers and formulated a reform strategy of "pressure from the bottom, bargaining at the top" – rallying the public in favor of change while pressing demands within the halls of power. In the 2000 assassination attempt, gunmen believed linked to hard-liners shot Hajjarian in the head at close range and the bullet passed through his cheek, lodging in his throat. For years, he had to use a wheelchair, though he can now stand with a walker or support from others. His speech remains impaired from a stroke he had after the attack.
During Tuesday's session, the prosecutor called for Hajjarian's party to be dissolved and urged "full punishment" against Hajjarian, though officials have not said what the maximum sentence would entail. Many of those on trial held key positions in Khatami's government and now hold prominent positions in reform parties. Hard-line clerics and politicians have pushed for the arrest of opposition leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, who claims to have won the June election, and his ally Mahdi Karroubi, who also ran in the election. Among the defendants who appeared Tuesday was Kian Tajbakhsh, an Iranian-American academic charged with espionage, contact with foreign elements and acting against national security. Tajbakhsh appeared to try to speak broadly about foreign interference in Iran, telling the court that "undeniably this was a goal of the U.S. and European countries to bring change inside Iran" and that "the root cause of the riots are found outside the borders." But, he added: "Since I've had no contacts with any headquarters inside and outside the country, I have no evidence to prove foreign interference," the state news agency IRNA said. In a rare show of defiance, another defendant, Abdollah Ramezanzadeh, said he opposed Ahmadinejad's government and rejected the court's indictment.
"As a reformer, my position is clear," said Ramezanzadeh, a prominent figure in Hajjarian's party. "I've put forward my views in my speeches and I won't change my views."
Dozens of relatives of the defendants protested outside the court building during the session until they were dispersed by police and plainclothes pro-government vigilantes, the pro-opposition Web site Norooz reported.

Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran

Facebook links : http://www.facebook.com/pages/Alliance-of-Builders-of-Islamic-Iran/1125513520940460